Politics in Private: Love and Convictions in the French Political Consciousness


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Politics In Private: Love And Convictions In The French Political Consciousness

If you are a registered author of this item, you may also want to check the "citations" tab in your RePEc Author Service profile, as there may be some citations waiting for confirmation. Please note that corrections may take a couple of weeks to filter through the various RePEc services. Economic literature: papers , articles , software , chapters , books. New York : Palgrave Macmillan , Mark Rice, Handle: RePEc:bla:pstrev:vyip as.

More about this item Statistics Access and download statistics. Corrections All material on this site has been provided by the respective publishers and authors. Louis Fed. After trying to loosen the Protestant minority's control of Irish government, he was voted out of the House of Commons with a great pension. He later adopted French and Irish children, believing himself correct in rescuing them from government oppression.

Before dying, he ordered his family to bury him secretly, believing his cadaver would be a political target for desecration should the Jacobins prevail in England. To support or color his arguments, Burke uses several Latin quotations, the sources of which he does not cite. The bulk appear to come from Virgil or Horace. However, the following quotation from Cicero's De Senectute 83 is employed to underline the ludicrous idea, in his view, of placing soldiery in a state at a perfectly equal status as the rest of the citizenry: "Si isti mihi largiantur ut repueriscam, et in eorum cunis vagiam, valde recusem!

An approximate translation is the following: "If they should grant to me that I might become a child again, and that I might wail in their cradle, I would vigorously refuse! Reflections on the Revolution in France was read widely when it was published in , although not every Briton approved of Burke's kind treatment of their historic enemy or its royal family.

His English enemies speculated he either had become mentally unbalanced or was a secret Catholic, outraged by the democratic French government's anti-clerical policies and expropriation of Church land. Historically, Reflections on the Revolution in France became the founding philosophic opus of conservatism when some of Burke's predictions occurred, namely when the Reign of Terror under the new French Republic executed thousands including many nuns and clergy from to to purge so-called counter-revolutionary elements of society.

In turn, that led to the political reaction of General Napoleon Bonaparte 's government which appeared to some to be a military dictatorship.

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Love and politics a powerful combination in France

Burke had predicted the rise of a military dictatorship and that the revolutionary government instead of protecting the rights of the people would be corrupt and violent. In the 19th century, positivist French historian Hippolyte Taine repeated Burke's arguments in Origins of Contemporary France — , namely that centralisation of power is the essential fault of the Revolutionary French government system; that it does not promote democratic control; and that the Revolution transferred power from the divinely chosen aristocracy to an " enlightened " heartless elite more incompetent and tyrannical than the aristocrats.

In the 20th century, Western conservatives applied Burke's anti-revolutionary Reflections to popular socialist revolutions which establishing Burke's iconic political value to conservatives and classical liberals. For example, Friedrich Hayek , an important economic liberal, acknowledged an intellectual debt to Burke. The late Christopher Hitchens writes that the "tremendous power of the Reflections lies" in being "the first serious argument that revolutions devour their own children and turn into their own opposites".

However, historians have regarded Burke's arguments as inconsistent with the actual history of the events. Despite being the most respected conservative historian of the events, Alfred Cobban acknowledged that Burke's pamphlet in so far as it "deals with the causes of the Revolution [ Cobban notes that Burke was extremely well informed on America, Ireland and India, but in the case of the French Revolution relied on weak information and poor sources and as a result his thesis does not cohere to the ground reality of France at the onset of the Revolution, where the situation was indeed dire enough to sweep existing institutions.

Cobban concludes: "As literature, as political theory, as anything but history, his Reflections is magnificent".

All circumstances taken together, the French revolution is the most astonishing that has hitherto happened in the world. The most wonderful things are brought about in many instances by means the most absurd and ridiculous; in the most ridiculous modes; and apparently, by the most contemptible instruments.

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Every thing seems out of nature in this strange chaos of levity and ferocity, and of all sorts of crimes jumbled together with all sorts of follies. In viewing this tragi-comic scene, the most opposite passions necessarily succeed, and sometimes mix with each other in the mind; alternate contempt and indignation; alternate laughter and tears; alternate scorn and horror. A spirit of innovation is generally the result of a selfish temper and confined views.

An encyclopedia of philosophy articles written by professional philosophers.

People will not look forward to posterity, who never look backward to their ancestors. They are surrounded by an army not raised either by the authority of their crown or by their command, and which, if they should order to dissolve itself, would instantly dissolve them. Our political system is placed in a just correspondence and symmetry with the order of the world, and with the mode of existence decreed to a permanent body composed of transitory parts; wherein, by the disposition of a stupendous wisdom, moulding together the great mysterious incorporation of the human race, the whole, at one time, is never old, or middle-aged, or young, but in a condition of unchangeable constancy, moves on through the varied tenour of perpetual decay, fall, renovation, and progression.

Thus, by preserving the method of nature in the conduct of the state, in what we improve we are never wholly new; in what we retain we are never wholly obsolete. If civil society be made for the advantage of man, all the advantages for which is made become his right. They have a right to the fruits of their industry; and to the means of making their industry fruitful.

They have a right to the acquisitions of their parents; to the nourishment and improvement of their offspring; to instruction in life, and to consolation in death. All the pleasing illusions, which made power gentle, and obedience liberal, which harmonized the different shades of life, and which, by a bland assimilation, incorporated into politics the sentiments which beautify and soften private society, are to be dissolved by this new conquering empire of light and reason.


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All the decent drapery of life is to be rudely torn off. Where trade and manufactures are wanting to a people, an the spirit of nobility and religion remains, sentiment supplies, and not always ill supplies their place; but if commerce and the arts should be lost in an experiment to try how well a state may stand without these old fundamental principles, what sort of a thing must be a nation of gross, stupid, ferocious, and at the same time, poor and sordid barbarians, destitute of religion, honor, or manly pride, possessing nothing at present, and hoping for nothing hereafter?

I wish you may not be going fast, and by the shortest cut, to that horrible and disgustful situation. Already there appears a poverty of conception, a coarseness and vulgarity in all the proceedings of the assembly and of all their instructors. Their liberty is not liberal. Their science is presumptuous ignorance.

Their humanity is savage and brutal. Society is indeed a contract. Subordinate contracts for objects of mere occasional interest may be dissolved at pleasure — but the state ought not to be considered as nothing better than a partnership agreement in a trade of pepper and coffee, calico or tobacco, or some other such low concern, to be taken up for a little temporary interest, and to be dissolved by the fancy of the parties.

It is to be looked on with other reverence; because it is not a partnership in things subservient only to the gross animal existence of a temporary and perishable nature. It is a partnership in all science; a partnership in all art; a partnership in every virtue, and in all perfection. As the ends of such a partnership cannot be obtained in many generations, it becomes a partnership not only between those who are living, but between those who are living, those who are dead, and those who are to be born.


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7. Mass Politics and the Political Challenge from the Left

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Politics in Private: Love and Convictions in the French Political Consciousness Politics in Private: Love and Convictions in the French Political Consciousness
Politics in Private: Love and Convictions in the French Political Consciousness Politics in Private: Love and Convictions in the French Political Consciousness
Politics in Private: Love and Convictions in the French Political Consciousness Politics in Private: Love and Convictions in the French Political Consciousness
Politics in Private: Love and Convictions in the French Political Consciousness Politics in Private: Love and Convictions in the French Political Consciousness
Politics in Private: Love and Convictions in the French Political Consciousness Politics in Private: Love and Convictions in the French Political Consciousness
Politics in Private: Love and Convictions in the French Political Consciousness Politics in Private: Love and Convictions in the French Political Consciousness
Politics in Private: Love and Convictions in the French Political Consciousness Politics in Private: Love and Convictions in the French Political Consciousness

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